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Senator Moynihan rallies in front of Capitol Building in 1985 he played an important role in saving the western front of the building; the only original facade from Charles Boulfinc's 1829 project. Courtesy Corbis Photos:

From: Metropolis Archives »reprints the old one Metropolis print articles not available elsewhere on the Internet. (View the startup record here.) Benjamin Georgia's Daniel Patrick Moynihan 2000 profile describes the senator's work as a lifelong advocate of public good design projects. Today, when it comes to public thinking under fire From the White House, it's worth looking at the man behind so beloved federal architecture.

It is too late in the day for the US Senate to pass a legislative day. The bitter divide in trade relations with China is being tackled, and New York senator Daniel Patrick Moynian has appeared in the middle of the action, as is often the case. He endorses the opening of our relationship with the People's Republic, and when I interview him at his comfortable hiding place inside the Capitol Building, he seems predestined to continue to talk about the issue — almost as if he were still on the Senate floor, and I had: voting to vote for the opposing party.

The topic of our meeting is Moynihan's involvement in federal architecture. Or – let me say it, as you can, the excellence of his extraordinary, agile and extremely effective long-term campaigning in government architecture, landscape architecture, urban design, infrastructure and planning. For nearly four decades in Washington, Moynihan, now 73, has developed guidelines for federal architecture. Leading Pennsylvania Avenue Reconstruction, including Federal Triangle; pushed the new Penn Station project relentlessly forward, and secured funding and building coalitions for many conservation projects. Peg Brine, president of the New York Landmarks Conservancy, one of the legions of design agencies that has enjoyed the unmistakable support of Moynihan, says he closes all his recent letters to the senator with a question mark. "What are we going to do without you?" That question arose for many architects, conservationists, city planners, and longtime observers of federal planning and planning policies when Moynihan suddenly announced his intention to retire from the Senate this month, 24 years later.

At present, Moynihan's mental adrenaline is still pouring out of China's confrontation with the Senate floor. Sitting on a traditional armchair in a room full of books that could be the home of a scholarly library, the Senate realized that intellectual moves were taking a turnaround journey in recent Asian history. You can be sure that it will end, and it does. If the United States fails to do so, "it will be a fateful decision, as we did in the postwar period." But in fact, stops along this converse road are being arrested, including the ridiculously described description of Tiananmen Square: "Two huge flags and two portraits of two huge 19th-century Germans. Marx and Mr. Engels: Running with young people to Dot-com shops. "

During this well-informed, entertaining insufficiency, I reflect on Moynihan's rare passion for architecture, and how insignificant it fits into the political life that is filled with heavy responsibility. The secret is that, besides the most pressing problems of war, peace, and social stability for Moinikhan, other issues are simply no more important than building and rebuilding our cities. In his office this was a fact of everyday life. Foreign Minister Alexandros Vashburn remembers being "far enough off the pole" in 1994 when he joined the Senate Moynihan staff of 50. But Moynihan always gave time for architecture and urban development. On one occasion he called in a veteran's senior assistants in his office and, pointing to Lightburn, ordered: "You two will help this man build Penn Station no matter what." (Later Washburn was sent to New York to become the first president of the Pennsylvania Station Development Corporation.)

According to Moynihan, building things (and building good ones) is all part of the job and is the responsible exercise of power in a democratic society. He often quotes Thomas Efferson's dictation that "project activity and political thought are inseparable." As if in doubt, he offers this quote in response when I ask him to explain how and why architecture has played such an important role in his political career. Then with a professional gesture, clutching and pulling in, the eyeglasses bent on the cheeks, which can still be called cherubic, he launches another of his favorite themes: History in Washington, DC, in particular Major Pierre Charles L & # 39; an ambitious city plan that famously built symbols of democratic experience in the design of streets and large buildings. "The idea of ​​Washington," says Moynihan, "was an architectural idea, a design idea."

Moynihan Station Courtesy Som:

Delivery from Penn Station's Moynihan Train Station. Politics SOM:

Few politicians have enjoyed such intimate, meaningful relationships with the nation's capital that Moynihan has earned over four decades of work here. He has struggled to study his history, absorb his symbolism, has continually worked to improve his physical appearance and live right in his symbolic heart. As he wakes up in the morning, Moynihan can step out of the balcony of his Pennsylvania Avenue apartment and watch the sun rise behind the Capitol Monumental dome. On mild evenings, he and his wife Elizabeth, his preacher and other architecture advocate can gather there to watch the sun behind the lawn of the White House. Turning to the city view just below, they can watch the market downtown in the daytime with its sailing memorial: A statue of a lonely sailor standing on a paved design map of the world.

Like the balcony, Moynihan's career in Washington has embraced the legislative and executive goals of Mother Street America, as well as its bureaucratic middle ground (in the form of an impressive cluster of classic Renaissance buildings named after the federal triangle). As a young, high-level assistant to Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg during Kennedy's administration, Moynihan has throughout his life appreciated the use and limits of federal bureaucracy. As perhaps the most surprising aspect of President Richard Nixon's work on the multifaceted life of Democrat Moynihan, he was the chief auxiliary of domestic politics; he saw politics and politics closely in the White House. And as a flaming senator from a large state for nearly a quarter of a century, he has been a legislator, not to mention an oratorical force, given the Capitol Hill.

Most of the stories are Moynihan's justified pride in the fact that he set out to build much of what you can see from his balcony, and even from the balcony itself. The square, the memorial and the market square, the mixed-use building she and Liz live in below – in the shops and restaurants, the offices below, and the seats above – are all the fruits of Moynihan's long jobs. Pennsylvania Avenue. He says the affair was "everyone's joy" and that he was there for the beginning, middle and end of the story. These days, Moynihan tends to tell the story of the avenue with the avenue of a cheerful-looking shorts that is quite appropriate for the fairy tale itself.

Legend has it that it was President John F. Kennedy who, during his triumphant solemn parade, noticed the north side of Pennsylvania Avenue decaying and decided to do something there. In fact, that's exactly what Goldberg noticed, as Moynihan recalled in a harsh way: “Was there a 61st sitting of the Foreign Office, and then the next most important question of the government arose, which was of course the office space. Then we set up an ad hoc committee, the Federal Admissions Committee, in the area. "

Moynihan wrote the committee's report on his own initiative, committing a feat that could do nothing more than be a fool's errand for a spectacular bureaucratic revision of Pennsylvania Avenue's bid. When Goldberg was appointed to the US Supreme Court in the fall of 1962, Moynihan was given the task of overseeing this bold initiative, and, as it happened, he was responsible for stifling coal in Kennedy's idea after Kennedy's assassination. (Moynihan has had significant help in that; he never fails to point out Jacqueline Kennedy.)

President Kennedy had appointed Nathaniel Owings, of Skidmore, Owings & Merrill (SOM), then the most disappointing architectural firm in the United States, to lead an unofficial council to plan the future of the avenue. Moynihan and Owings became friends and would walk the avenue together, at the same time not tired of its history and potential. "We would be seated next to these beautiful strong benches next to the National Archives building," Moynihan recalls, "and we would look at the Old Patent Office and see Rome or the Italian hill towns." These benches were located a short distance from the present location of the Moinihan mixed-use building, with its Navy band concerts, restaurants, theaters and galleries. "Nat predicted what is now the market square. People will be able to collect collections, ”says Moynihan. "Well, they have spies."

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Senator Moynihan Efforts to Revive Daniel Burnham's Beaux Arts Union Station in Washington, D.C. Courtesy Corbis Photos:

Coincidentally, Moynihan's involvement on the avenue lasted longer than Owings's, or anyone for that matter. During Nixon's administration, he instrumentalized the creation of Kennedy's Pennsylvania Avenue Development Corporation, a powerful state agency that would ultimately oversee the actual construction of Kennedy's revised and much-improved version, much of it funded by a private enterprise. plan of the century. (The original of Oving was intended to demolish almost all historic buildings adjacent to the North Avenue. Something Moynihan said at a time he did not like but did not object to). from inside the White House to get things done, ”recalled Somey David Kyle of the Republican Party. “Pat taught us that whole lesson. Loving the project, he was able to follow it every day. ” It is hardly worth mentioning that in his Senate years, almost a month passed, when Moynihan was not engaged in any kind of fruitful avenue reconstruction.

He believes that Moynihan gained his love of architecture as a young man with more or less osmosis. He celebrates his youth in Manhattan by hurrying through the list of buildings he passed through daily, or the daily Chrysler, McGraw-Hill, Penn Station. But he stresses in London, where he studied at the London School of Economics for three years on a Fulbright grant and a GI Bill. "What do you do when you are young in Europe?" he asks with a reflective smile. "You walk around and look at the buildings." Historian Godfrey Hodgson, the author of the recent Moynihan biography, The New York-based The Gentleman, writes that the London years, while full of serious academic persecution, were crucial for "exploring and satisfying new ideas, doing things and doing new things. Hodgson notes that one of the more unique achievements was the "lifelong interest in architecture."

Longtime Moynihan observer Robert Peck, commissioner of public services management for public services (and another former Moynihan assistant), has another option. "He was a political scientist, and he was looking at how the streets work and how the buildings work," he says of the teenage boyfriend of New York's Moynihan. “He noticed this in his concern for a multicultural society. Where does it all come together? " Where do the Irish, the Jews, the Puerto Ricans mix? In New York it's gardens, hotel lobbies, Grand Centrals, Penn Stations. "

Both views complement: One concerns individual structures. Capital with Architecture A, while the other reflects how buildings can be assembled to form a civic whole. Moynihan is consistently attentive to the two views, often simultaneously. His authorship, during Kennedy's years, is a major exhibition entitled "Guidelines for Federal Architecture." There was no public demand for such principles; not even the president's request. Moynihan just thought that if you propose to rebuild the avenue, or the nation, to have guiding principles, it would be a good idea. So he wrote them and attached them to the report of the Federal Space Commission's interim committee.

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Earlier delivery to Moynihan Station Politics SOM:

The principles were short and wise. There should be no formal architectural style. Rather, federal buildings should reflect "the modern-day American architectural thought." Site selection should be the first step in the design process. Buildings should be architecturally distinctive and reflect the "dignity, entrepreneurship, power and stability" of the American National Government. Presto. There was politics, something that all the advocates of the design of culture deserved, when they could call when needed. It is no accident that over the last two decades, federal architecture has improved with an accelerating curve. According to Peck, "He (Moynihan) single-handedly separated public architecture from the grave of public policy and restored it to the political agenda." It doesn't matter. The federal government is by far the country's largest single owner, builder and consumer of design services.

Moynihan's involvement in architecture and urban affairs is very diverse, and everyone has different explanations for his ability to dismantle achievements in this field. Some say that Moynihan's success depends on his ability to ally himself with a firm vision. "It just amazes me that many people in the government are worn out and say why you can't do something," says Conservancy & Breen's New York signs. "But Moynihan is thinking very well, figuring out how to do it, and having the stability to do it with all sorts of bureaucracy."

Others believe that innovation is a strong claim for Moynihan. Suzanne Hensha One Ons, director of the National Buildings Museum in Washington, DC (another more or less Moynihan project), amazed at the tale of a federal archives building in Greenwich Village. Moynihan succeeded in acquiring this building, which was declared federal surplus in 1976, into an apartment house whose rents now feed the nation's largest credit fund for preservation. "There are so many things that he did quietly," says Jones, "and it really helped to rebuild communities throughout New York."

Of course, the senator also has the ability to target opportunities. For example, daring the unbelievable mayor of Buffalo in 1977, Moynihan announced that he would find federal funds to keep Louis Sullivan's magnificent skyscraper in place, the "Guarantee" (now reasonable) building. After doing so, he moved his small upstairs office to a restored masterpiece.

Perhaps the mastery of details is Moynihan's greatest strength. Richard Eton, a federal judge and administrative assistant to the senator, tells how Moynihan rescued Frank Lloyd Wright's "Darwin Martin House" glazed glass windows, convincing the auctioneer not to sell Christie's auction house , which was intended to restore them to the original building.

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Earlier delivery to Moynihan Station Politics SOM:

Then there is his complete approach. Հաշվի առեք Վաշինգտոնում գտնվող Հին Փոստի շենքը, որը վաղուց կարծես 1890-ականներ էր, այն ամուսնանում էր 1920-ականների 30-ականների դաշնային եռանկյունու դասական ուղղության հետ: Մոյնիհանն օգնեց փրկել այն մի օրենքով, որը լայն հասարակությանը թույլ էր տալիս հովանավորել մասնավոր խանութներն ու ռեստորաններն իր խոռոչ ինտերիերում: Հատկանշական է, որ նա գրեց օրենքը, որպեսզի այն խրախուսի այլ դաշնային շենքեր հետևել այս օրինակին: Միայն քչերն էին, ավաղ, բայց դրանցից մեկը հսկայական էր, կենտրոնականորեն տեղադրված և քիչ թե շատ Մոյնիհանի անմիջական վերահսկողության տակ. Հսկայական Ռոնալդ Ռեյգանի շենքը և միջազգային առևտրի կենտրոնը, որոնք բացվեցին 1998-ին ՝ շինարարությունից կես դար անց Դաշնային եռանկյունին ավարտելու համար: դադարել էր

Վերջապես, Մոյնիհանի հաջողությունների իրական բանալին կարող է լինել նրա հիմնական ուշադրությունը հանրային մեծ ճարտարապետության վրա: Վկայեք նոր Penn Station- ի նոր պլանը `Ֆարլիի նորացված փոստային բաժանմունքում (փողոցից այն կողմ, քանդված օրիգինալից այն վայրում, որի մեջ Մոյնիխանը նախկինում փայլում էր կոշիկները նիկելների և դիմերի համար): Վերջինը պարզապես այն նախագիծն է, որը սիրում է Մոյնիհանը `մեծ, անկասկած նշանակալից, համարձակ, աներևակայելի բարդ և գրեթե անհնարին: Երբ դա արվել է, ասում է SOM- ի Childs- ը, նախագծի գլխավոր ճարտարապետը, այն պետք է վերանվանվի Moynihan Station: «Նա առաջնորդող լույսն է և դրա հոգին», – ասում է Ուլդըսը:

Սենատում նրա ամբողջ ժամանակի և տեսանելիության համար, որոշ քննադատների պնդում են, որ Մոյնիհանին չունի օրենսդրական գերակայություն: Գրող Իրվինգ Քրիստոլի խոսքերով, նրան հիշելու ոչ մի «օրինագիծ» չկա: Բայց սա սխալ է: Մոյնիհանի `ճարտարապետության նկատմամբ երկարատև հետաքրքրության մրցակիցը նրա նվիրվածությունն է ազգային ենթակառուցվածքին: Նրա մատնահետքերը ամբողջ ենթակառուցվածքային օրենսդրության ամենաընդարձակ հատվածներն են, որոնք պետք է առաջանան Կոնգրեսից վերջին կես դարի համար ՝ 1991 թվականի միջմոդալային մակերեսային փոխադրումների արդյունավետության մասին ակտ, իսկ դրա իրավահաջորդը ՝ 21-րդ դարի տրանսպորտային հավասարության մասին օրենքը (սառույց և թեյ 21, կարճ): Քաջալերելով պետություններին և համայնքներին, որպեսզի սկսեն խելամիտ պլանավորել իրենց երկարաժամկետ փոխադրման կարիքների համար, հատկապես զանգվածային տարանցման մասին, օրենքները վերջապես սկսում են խորտակել մայրուղու լոբբիի 40-ամյա պահուստը ազգային և տեղական տրանսպորտային քաղաքականության վրա: Դրանք ներկայացնում են էական դրական փոփոխություններ ինչպես տեսության, այնպես էլ պրակտիկայում, և չնայած նրանք հայտնի չեն որպես Մոյնիհանի օրինագծեր, դա այն է, ինչ կան: Ենթակառուցվածքում նրա խելամիտ, համապարփակ մոտեցումը ընդօրինակել է իմիտատորներին: Նույնիսկ խոսվում է «Iceրային սառույցի թեյի» մասին. Մի օրենք, որը նույն ողջամտությունն է բերում ազգի ջրային ռեսուրսների հովվման խնդրին, ինչպես թեյի մասին օրենքները, որոնք բերվել են տրանսպորտի մեջ:

Moynihan- ին փոխարինելու համար ձեզ հարկավոր է շատ ավելին, քան մեկ անձ: «Ինձ անհանգստացնում է, երբ նա հեռանում է, որ պարզապես չկա մեկը, ով համատեղում է իր որակների փաթեթը», – ասում է Օրեգոնի դեմոկրատական ​​կոնգրեսական Էրլ Բլումենաուերը: Washburn- ը համաձայն է: «Մենք պատրաստվում ենք մի շատ կոպիտ անակնկալ առաջ գալ, երբ մի բան է առաջ գալիս, որը դաշնային մակարդակով պետք է գիտելիքներ և կրքոտություն ցուցաբերի ճարտարապետության վերաբերյալ, և այնտեղ չկա Մոյնիխան», – կանխատեսում է նա: Մոյնիհանի «փաթեթը» անհնար է և անփոխարինելի, և նրա հեռանալը հսկայական ուժ է տալիս ոչ միայն Վաշինգտոնի և Նյու Յորքի, այլև ազգի համար:

Որն է առավել ևս մեկ պատճառ, ևս մեկ անգամ `պատշգամբից տեսարանը նշելու համար: Մոյնիխանը հիանալի օրինակ է թողել, և մենք կարող ենք դրանից սովորել: Նա անխոնջորեն պաշտպանում էր ճարտարապետական ​​գերազանցության և միշտ ավելի մեծ նպատակների համար `հասարակական նշանակության հաղորդակցություն, ավելի լավ քաղաքների կառուցում: Չորս տասնամյակ առաջ, լավ տեղակայված երիտասարդ բյուրոկրատը, այդ հանձնաժողովի զեկույցում, բարեխղճորեն գրել էր, որ Փենսիլվանիայի պողոտայի քայքայումը իրականում առիթ էր: Մեծ բուլվարը պետք է դառնա «աշխույժ, ընկերասեր և հրավիրող, ինչպես նաև արժանապատիվ և տպավորիչ»: Մեծապես շնորհիվ Մոյնիհանի կանխատեսմանն ու համառությանը ՝ ազգի վերակառուցված Մայնի փողոցը սարսափելի մոտ է եկել այդ իդեալներին բավարարելու համար: Ուրիշներն այժմ պետք է ընտրեն այնտեղ, որտեղ նա հեռացավ և այդ մանդատը կիրառի Վաշինգտոնում և դրանից դուրս նման «հնարավորությունների» վրա:

Կարող եք նաև հաճույք ստանալԲարձր բարձրացումը բարձր խտություն չէ»

Կցանկանայիք մեկնաբանել այս հոդվածը: Ուղարկեք ձեր մտքերը հետևյալ էլ.հասցեներին ՝

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