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It was in Miami in July 1972 after midnight. The National Democratic Convention was a mess. South Dakota Senator George Lamb McGuire had won the nomination to face incumbent President Richard Nixon – a frightening issue, as everyone knew. McGvern relied on the power of magic to organize college-age baby boomers. Now they were exhausted, but they wanted to party and were bored with the task that the MacGorvites didn't bother managing, choosing a running mate.

When rock music got in the garbage dump, delegates danced in the corridors. Blooming in the 60s, a dream gallery of Andy Warhol portraits, such as poet Alain Ginsberg, Ypsi founder Jerry Ferry Rubin, and economist John Jon Kenneth Galbraith, who toured with his son.

Among those who received at least one vote in favor of the vice president that night, Mao, Archie Bunker and Rubin. I remember hearing the cries for the Marx brothers, Grusho and Carl, but they didn't make it to the finals. Ultimately, the "convention" was chosen by Senator Thomas Eulton of Missouri, who was soon forced to resign when we learned that he had received shocking treatments for his clinical depression after being ignored by his "veterans."

When the nominee finally got on stage to give his reception address, it was almost 3pm. MacGuard considered it one of the best speeches of his life, but hardly anyone in America heard it. Whatever happened, late in the evening, McGuire was up in the ward. He eventually lost 49 of Nixon's states.

I'm not saying Iowa is such a big disaster for Democrats. It could be no sooner than the asterisk soon, and, in any case, just a signal that the end of the role of these committees would be the very white, very complex, process.

What I am saying is that the first moment of President Trump's campaign to unleash the inevitable attempt to oust him through impeachment feels like a movie we have seen before, and more than once. The Democrats, in the face of an unforgettable, well-funded, and emperor's enemy, imprison themselves in suspicion, division, and disorder. It can be an exciting outing and a great example of news. But that has led the party to repeat defeats in this era that well-known historian Rick Perlstein has appropriately named Nixonland.

Is this "groundbreaking day" over again?

Polls on the Iowa state network show Democrats are united on one thing: Finding the best candidate for Donald Trump to win, which they are outraged about (and according to polls, more than half of the country) does not think that is the case. The party is divided by less ideology than disagreement over how much ideology they should have, or other issues, in the best strategy for dismantling the Trump presidency.

The almost neurotic desire to be a candidate for the right candidate for Candidate, as well as against the right ideas, or, in contrast, seemed to paralyze the dominant white and mostly college-educated groups in Iowa. In the absence of results, the cable networks were left to interview these tortured voters for a long time. Many sounded like students who were reluctant to apply for their graduation papers for fear of getting a grade that would be displeasing to their parents.

It is tempting to compare Bernie Sanders to George McGaverin, but Sanders and his version of generational change are broader and more profound. The MacGawr mob was largely eager to end the Vietnam War (with the opportunity to serve and die there). Sanders wants $ 100 trillion in American society. Is this the best way to beat Trump?

Pete Buttigig offers himself less interested in ideology than in character, even when Republican senators admit that Trump is acting like a mob boss, one that they dare not cast out for a vote. The 38-year-old former mayor of South Bend, Indonesia, seems to have fought Bernie to stand up in Iowa, with his brain, wisdom and verbal struggle that make unpleasant attacks sound like rational complaints. choir boy. Is this the way to win Trump?

Perhaps the biggest winner outside of Iowa is a man who hasn't competed there, wise, as it turns out. Michael Bloomberg, the media tycoon and former New York mayor, whose value is finally valued at about $ 61 billion, expects, he thinks, to bring order to democratic order and discipline.

With no results and speeches Monday night from the campaign headquarters, messages were left to Bloomberg, who bought them during wall-to-wall advertising. His topic: Only I can beat Trump because I have the resources and the big cities to do it. Bloomberg is likely to spend two to three billion dollars before it is completed.

I am guessing that it will not end when the parties gather at a convention in Milwaukee. The floor will be late tonight. It will be fun for fun. But if Democrats can't agree on the right scenario to defeat Donald Trump, it could be Groundhog Day again.

Howard Finnman is an NBC News analyst, journalist, author, and formerly the chief political correspondent for Newsweek and the editorial director of HuffPost.

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